Judgment / October 10, 2026 / 7 min read
State of the Union Fact-Checks: Who Checks the Fact-Checkers?
Every year, the most revealing part of the State of the Union is not what the president says. It is the ritual that follows within seconds: the live...
Every year, the most revealing part of the State of the Union is not what the president says. It is the ritual that follows within seconds: the live fact-check. A panel of journalists and credentialed experts tells you which claims are true, which are false, and which are misleading. The implication is that a handful of editors in a studio can adjudicate truth in real time.
That assumption deserves its own fact-check. I want to look at a side of this spectacle that rarely gets discussed. Not whether the president's numbers were right. Not which outlet botched a claim. The deeper question is constitutional and philosophical. What does it mean for a republic when truth is assigned in real time by a small class of unelected editors? The answer is not comfortable for the fact-checkers.
A Report, Not a Trial
The Constitution is not vague about what the State of the Union is. Article II, Section 3 says the president "shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." That is a report from one branch to another. It is not a deposition. It is not a campaign speech under oath. It is the president's judgment, delivered to the people's representatives.
The people then judge that judgment through elections, public debate, the press, and their own reason. What the live fact-check does is insert a new, self-appointed authority between the president and the citizen. The president speaks. The fact-checker rules. Then you are told what you just heard was acceptable. That is not how a republic works.
Ours is a constitutional republic, not a pure democracy, precisely so that no transient majority, and no panel of editors, gets to redefine truth by acclamation. The citizen is supposed to be the final judge, not a spectator waiting for a verdict from above. When we lose that, we lose something essential about self-government.
The Knowledge Problem Comes for Fact-Checkers Too
Friedrich Hayek's most famous insight was that no central planner can gather all the dispersed knowledge a free people use. That insight applies to economies. It also applies to truth claims.
The live fact-checker cannot possibly know, in real time, the full context of every economic figure, enforcement action, legislative provision, or historical comparison in a State of the Union address. Many facts are not simple empirical statements. They are interpretations built on baselines, definitions, and projections.
Consider a claim about jobs. Suppose a president says, "We created ten million jobs." A live fact-checker might flash "false" because a different survey shows six million, or because the count begins at a different point. But is the president false? It depends entirely on the rules of the count. Which survey are we using? The household survey and the establishment survey routinely differ by hundreds of thousands. Over what period? Are we counting from inauguration day, from the pandemic low, or from the pre-pandemic peak? Which workers count? Are we including part-time jobs, government jobs, people working two jobs, or native-born and foreign-born workers? Are the numbers seasonally adjusted? Have they been revised since the speech was written?
Those are not neutral questions. They are editorial choices. The live fact-check pretends those choices are objective. They are not. They are judgments. The fact-checker is not simply discovering a falsehood. He is choosing a baseline and then calling the president wrong for using a different one.
Hayek would recognize this immediately. The live fact-check is the knowledge problem applied to public discourse. It assumes a small group at a desk can know, in thirty seconds, what the entire market of ideas should conclude. It centralizes interpretive authority and calls it truth.
Intentions and Results
Thomas Sowell taught us to judge policies by results, not intentions. The intention of live fact-checking is usually to inform the public and hold politicians accountable. Let me grant that intention. Let me even grant that many fact-checkers are sincere.
The result is different. Live fact-checking narrows debate rather than expanding it. The fact-checkers choose which claims to examine. That choice is power. They decide which claims get the red false stamp and which go unexamined. In a live format, there is no appeal, no competing source, no time to compare the underlying data.
The result is that fact-checkers become players, not referees. They do not simply report the game. They shape the game. Sowell's point applies perfectly. A policy can be well-intended and still produce the opposite of its stated purpose. Live fact-checking is intended to produce a more informed public. In practice, it often produces a more passive one. Citizens wait to be told what was true. That is a dangerous habit for a free people.
The Seen and the Unseen
Henry Hazlitt's broken-window fallacy is exactly the right lens here. The seen effect of a live fact-check is the correction. The president said X. We checked. X is false. That is visible, satisfying, and easy to display.
The unseen effect is much larger. The unseen is the claim that was not checked because it favored the preferred side. The unseen is the context omitted to make a false label fit. The unseen is the viewer who concludes that truth is whatever the fact-check panel says it is.
The unseen is also the erosion of trust. When live fact-checks are perceived as partisan, and they are often perceived that way with cause, the public does not become better informed. It becomes more cynical. People do not trust the fact-checkers. They trust their side's fact-checkers. That is not a search for truth. That is tribal scorekeeping.
Hazlitt's one lesson was to look at effects on all groups over the long run, not just the visible benefit to one group in the short run. The long-run effect of treating live fact-checking as authoritative is a public that outsources judgment to credentialism. That is a poor trade.
The Real Alternative: Competition, Not Central Planning
I am not arguing that presidents should not be held to account. I am arguing the opposite. The proper check on a president's claims is competition. Rival outlets, primary documents, the Congressional Budget Office, the Office of Management and Budget, legislative text, federal data, and the slow, corrigible work of actual journalism.
The word live is the problem. Real fact-checking is done after the speech, with sources, time, and the ability to be corrected. It is decentralized. It is checkable. It is humble.
The live fact-check is none of those things. It manufactures urgency. It manufactures authority. It tells you that truth can be produced in thirty seconds by the right people. That is not journalism. That is soft central planning of public discourse.
The First Amendment protects a free press precisely because truth is discovered through competition, not assigned by a single authority. The answer to bad speech is not an official truth panel. It is more speech, more evidence, more debate. Milton Friedman was fond of saying there is no such thing as a free lunch. The live fact-check offers the public a free lunch of instant certainty, but someone pays for it. The price is judgment, trust, and the slow erosion of a citizen's habit of thinking for himself.
The Proper Fact-Check Is the Constitution
The State of the Union is the president's report to Congress. The response belongs to the people. They respond through their representatives, through the press, and through their own judgment.
The minute a live fact-check becomes the authority on what was true, liberty loses something important. The citizen is no longer the judge. The citizen is a consumer of official conclusions.
The proper fact-check of any State of the Union is not a panel of editors. It is the Constitution itself. Does the president's agenda respect the limits of Article II? Does it respect the separation of powers? Does it leave the people free to run their own lives?
Those are not questions a live fact-check can answer. Those are questions only a free people can answer. That is the point the fact-checkers miss. In a republic, the people are the only legitimate fountain of authority. Truth is not handed down from a studio. It is argued, tested, and earned in the open air.
So the next time the chyron announces a verdict, ask yourself a different question. Who just gave those editors the authority to rule on what you heard? Because in a free republic, no one gave it to them. And the minute we act as if someone did, we have given away something far more valuable than a fact-check. We have given away the habit of judging for ourselves.